{"id":53987,"date":"2016-09-30T11:27:00","date_gmt":"2016-09-30T16:27:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/content.findlaw-admin.com\/ability-legal\/supreme\/legal-commentary\/the-supreme-court-opts-to-decide-whether-mccain-feingolds-campaign-finance-regulations-were-properly-applied-to-a.html"},"modified":"2016-09-30T11:27:00","modified_gmt":"2016-09-30T16:27:00","slug":"the-supreme-court-opts-to-decide-whether-mccain-feingolds-campaign-finance-regulations-were-properly-applied-to-a","status":"publish","type":"supreme","link":"https:\/\/supreme.findlaw.com\/legal-commentary\/the-supreme-court-opts-to-decide-whether-mccain-feingolds-campaign-finance-regulations-were-properly-applied-to-a.html","title":{"rendered":"The Supreme Court Opts to Decide Whether McCain-Feingold&#8217;s Campaign Finance Regulations Were Properly Applied to a"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<div class=\"wp-container-core-columns-is-layout-9d6595d7  fl-block-columns fl-sectionWithSidebar fl-container fl-flex fl-flex-wrap fl-gap30\">\n    \n    <div class=\"fl-page-articles   fl-block-column fl-section-main fl-section-main-full-width\">\n        <div class=\"yui-g\" id=\"leftcol-module\">\n      <!-- Right Line of Links Section -->\n      <!-- BEGIN PICTURE INSERTION -->\n      <!-- BEGIN TITLE AND AUTHOR INSERTION -->\n      <table>\n        <tr>\n\n          <td width=\"100\" rowspan=\"3\" class=\"wiauthor\"><a href=\"\/legal-commentary\/julie-hilden-archive\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://supreme.findlaw.com/static/f/images\/writ\/julie.hilden.jpg\" border=\"0\"><\/a><\/td>\n          <td class=\"wititle\"><h1>The Supreme Court Opts to Decide Whether McCain-Feingold&#8217;s Campaign Finance Regulations Were Properly Applied to a Film Attacking Hillary Clinton, and to Ads for the Film<\/h1><\/td>\n        <\/tr>\n        <tr>\n          <td class=\"wiauthor\"><a href=\"\/legal-commentary\/julie-hilden-archive\" class=\"graybold\"><h2>By JULIE HILDEN <\/h2><br><\/a><\/td>\n        <\/tr>\n        <tr>\n          <td class=\"widate\">Monday, Nov. 24, 2008<\/td>\n\n        <\/tr>\n      <\/table>\n\n<span class=\"smalltext\">\n\n\n<p>On November 14, the Supreme Court granted review in an  interesting and important First Amendment case. The case concerns a film about  then-presidential-candidate Hillary Clinton entitled &#8220;Hillary: The Movie,&#8221; which was made available through cable TV video-on-demand (as well as in a few  theaters), and the advertisements for that film.<\/p>\n<\/span>\n<p>The question before the Court is whether the McCain-Feingold  campaign finance law was constitutionally applied to the film and its ads, or  whether the First Amendment trumps that law in the context of this  application.<\/p>\n\n<span class=\"smalltext\">\n  <!-- START TABLE FOR RELATED -->\n<div id=\"writthreetwenty\">\n          <script language=\"JavaScript\" type=\"text\/javascript\">dart_call(\"300x250\", \"ptile=2\", 0); <\/script>\n  \n  <\/div>\n  \n <p>Previously, a three-judge panel of the U.S. District Court  for the District of Columbia <a rel=\"nofollow noopener\" href=\"http:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/wp\/wp-content\/uploads\/2008\/01\/citizens-united-appendix.pdf\"><strong>rejected a motion<\/strong><\/a> for a  preliminary injunction barring the Federal Election Commission (FEC) from  enforcing McCain-Feingold against the filmmakers. (With respect to the film itself, the  regulations barred certain corporate funding; with respect to the ads, the  regulations required that they be accompanied by disclosures.) The panel reasoned that the filmmakers were  not likely to prevail on the merits a necessary component of the  preliminary-injunction showing. Accordingly, it allowed the FEC decision to stand.<\/p>\n\n <p>Now, the Supreme Court will decide whether the panel ruled  correctly. The Court will very likely  also set clearer guidelines for future elections regarding when McCain-Feingold  can constitutionally be applied to full-length films and the advertisements  promoting them. <\/p>\n <p><strong>Each of The Ads for &#8220;Hillary: The  Movie&#8221; Fits McCain-Feingold&#8217;s Definition of An &#8220;Electioneering Communication&#8221;<\/strong><\/p>\n <p>The ads for &#8220;Hillary: The Movie&#8221; were uniformly negative  towards Hillary Clinton with the sole exception of an admission, in one ad,  by conservative pundit Ann Coulter that Clinton looks good in a pant  suit. After Coulter had damned Clinton  with this faint praise, the ad followed up with a promise that the movie would  cover everything else about Clinton implying that everything else would be  far from praiseworthy. (For the full  text of the three ads, see page 3a n.2 of <a rel=\"nofollow noopener\" href=\"http:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/wp\/wp-content\/uploads\/2008\/01\/citizens-united-appendix.pdf\"><strong>the panel opinion<\/strong><\/a>.) <\/p>\n <p>Unsurprisingly, just as the ads had suggested, the movie  itself contained numerous opinions and arguments to the effect that Clinton  would not make a good president. (For  the three-judge panel&#8217;s excerpts from the movie, see page 11a n.12 of its <a rel=\"nofollow noopener\" href=\"http:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/wp\/wp-content\/uploads\/2008\/01\/citizens-united-appendix.pdf\">opinion<\/a>.)<\/p>\n <p>Had Clinton become the Democratic nominee, the filmmakers&#8217; plan was to broadcast the ads within the 30 days preceding the Democratic  Convention, and the 60 days preceding the election. Under the language of the statute and related  regulations, the ads would have qualified as &#8220;electioneering communications&#8221; simply because of their timing; because they &#8220;refer[red] to a  clearly-identified candidate for Federal office&#8221;; and because they could have  been viewed by more than 50,000 persons but, as I will explain below, the  Supreme Court has wisely required that a fourth criterion also be fulfilled  before McCain-Feingold can be applied. <\/p>\n <p><strong>The Problem with the Statutory  Definition: Trading Off Neutrality for  Overbreadth<\/strong><\/p>\n <p>On one hand, the statutory definition of &#8220;electioneering  communication&#8221; might seem to be a laudable attempt to get away from government  scrutiny of the content of particular messages:  Just referring to a candidate clearly triggers the law, and arguably, it  is a relatively objective matter whether or not a message clearly identifies a  candidate. One might thus think that  the statutory definition of &#8220;electioneering communication&#8221; is as neutral as it  possibly can be&#8211;minimizing the threat that a partisan FEC might apply the law  unfairly. <\/p>\n <p>Unfortunately, however, the statutory definition&#8217;s very  refusal to look at ads&#8217; content &#8212; beyond determining whether the ads clearly  identify a candidate &#8212; means that the statute sweeps very broadly, and  inevitably will touch upon messages that are quite far from pure  electioneering. Remember, all a message  had to do, according to the statute, was to be broadcast to a sufficiently  large audience shortly before a convention or election, and to clearly refer to  a particular candidate. <\/p>\n <p>For instance, suppose that George W. Bush had been running  for re-election, and ads for the film &#8220;W.&#8221; were appearing on television. Though the film is fictionalized, it would be  difficult to deny that the ads clearly identified Bush. Thus, such ads could have been categorized  as mere electioneering communications under the FEC&#8217;s test &#8212; though that label  would have been extremely reductive. <\/p>\n <p>Some readers may not be as troubled as I am by this result &#8211; reasoning that &#8220;W.&#8221; is, at heart, an anti-Bush film that argues that he has  been an unfit president. But &#8220;W.&#8221; is just  the tip of the iceberg. Again, assume  that George W. Bush is up for re-election.  Would the statutory electioneering rules also apply to ads for films  that directly took issue with Bush Administration policies &#8211; such as  &#8220;Rendition&#8221;? What about films concerning  the plight of American soldiers returning from Iraq &#8211; such as &#8220;In the Valley of  Elah&#8221;? I think most readers will agree  that imposing federal regulations on fictional films like these &#8212; even if they  also act as policy critiques and thus as attacks on a candidate &#8212; is too high  a price to pay. In addition, I think  most will agree that imposing such regulations with respect to nonfiction  documentaries (or ads promoting them) would be outrageous. <\/p>\n <p>Ultimately, then, the neutral-seeming phrasing of  McCain-Feingold&#8217;s language threatens to inhibit criticism of the government at  the very time when we most need it: in  the run-up to an election. And while  this point is clearest with regard to a sitting president whose policies need  to be closely scrutinized, it applies to other candidates too &#8211; especially  those who are, or recently have been, sitting Senators or Governors. <\/p>\n <p><strong>The Supreme Court&#8217;s Wise Decision to  Narrow the Statutory Language <\/strong><\/p>\n <p>Fortunately, the Supreme Court &#8212; after upholding McCain-Feingold itself, in <a href=\"https:\/\/caselaw.findlaw.com\/court\/us-supreme-court\/540\/93.html\" rel=\"noopener\">McConnell  v. FEC<\/a> &#8212; narrowed the statute&#8217;s meaning in its 2007 decision in FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life. There, the Court made clear that  First-Amendment-protected speech can only be regulated under McCain-Feingold if  it &#8220;is  susceptible of no reasonable interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for  or against a specific candidate.&#8221; In  other words, McCain-Feingold cannot be applied to material that might  reasonably be interpreted as a mere campaign ad, but might also reasonably be  interpreted another way. <\/p>\n <p>This language would protect, for  example, the films &#8220;W.&#8221;, &#8220;Rendition,&#8221; or &#8220;The Valley of Elah&#8221; and ads for those  films, if aired during a Bush re-election campaign. Although such ads could be interpreted as  messages not to vote for Bush, they could also be interpreted as something very  significantly greater than, and different from, a pure recommendation as to how  to vote at the polling place.<\/p>\n <p><strong>The Lower Court Panel&#8217;s Decision to Equate &#8220;Hillary: The Movie&#8221; With a  Lengthy Campaign Ad<\/strong><\/p>\n <p>Interestingly, though, the Supreme  Court&#8217;s language in <a href=\"https:\/\/caselaw.findlaw.com\/court\/us-supreme-court\/551\/449.html\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Wisconsin Right  to Life<\/em><\/a> did <u>not<\/u> prompt the three-judge lower-court  panel to protect &#8220;Hillary: The Movie.&#8221; Instead, the panel found that the film so consistently sent the &#8220;Don&#8217;t  vote for Hillary&#8221; message that it fell within even the Court&#8217;s narrow language  in <em>Wisconsin Right to Life<\/em>. In other words, the panel found that the  entire film was, in effect, a lengthy partisan ad with the single purpose of  convincing voters not to vote for Hillary Clinton for president. Even more  strikingly, the panel held &#8212; applying <em>Wisconsin Right to Life<\/em>&#8216;s language &#8211; that the movie could  not reasonably be interpreted in any other way. <\/p>\n <p>In denying the validity of any other  interpretations of the film, the panel went out on a limb &#8211; and it is a limb  the Court may well chop off when it hears this case. The language in <em>Wisconsin Right to Life<\/em> seems to have been an attempt to  get courts to be less aggressive in sweeping First-Amendment-protected material  into McCain-Feingold&#8217;s ambit. But the  three-judge panel swept a full-length movie in, nonetheless. <\/p>\n The Court&#8217;s decision  to review the panel&#8217;s ruling indicates to me that the Court may want to narrow  its test even further, in its next decision in this area, to ensure that  McCain-Feingold truly reaches only materials that are incontrovertibly campaign  ads, and nothing more than or different from that.\n <hr size=\"1\">\n<p class=\"authorfoot\">\n\n<!-- BEGIN AUTHORS FOOTNOTE -->\n<a name=\"bio\"><\/a><em>Julie Hilden, who graduated from Yale Law School,  practiced First Amendment law at the D.C. law firm of Williams &amp; Connolly  from 1996-99 and has been writing about First Amendment issues for a decade.  Hilden is also a novelist. In reviewing Hilden&#8217;s novel, <i>3<\/i>, Kirkus Reviews praised Hilden&#8217;s &#8220;rather uncanny abilities,&#8221; and Counterpunch called it &#8220;a must read&#8230;. a work of art.&#8221; Hilden&#8217;s  website, <a href=\"http:\/\/www.juliehilden.com\/\" rel=\"noopener\">www.juliehilden.com<\/a>,  includes free MP3 and text downloads of the novel&#8217;s first chapter.<\/em>\n<\/p><p class=\"authorfoot\"><br>\n    <br>\n  \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n    <\/span><\/div><div class=\"was-this-helpful\">\n    <div\n            class=\"was-this-helpful__question-container\"\n            aria-labelledby=\"was-this-helpful__question\"\n            role=\"group\"\n    >\n        <span\n                id=\"was-this-helpful__question\"\n                class=\"was-this-helpful__question fl-text-lg-bold\"\n        >Was this helpful?<\/span>\n        <button\n                class=\"was-this-helpful__button fl-text-sm\"\n                aria-label=\"Yes\"\n                value=\"yes\"\n        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